Hu Yaobang
- Wade-Giles romanization:
- Hu Yao-pang
- Born:
- November 1915, Liuyang, Hunan province, China
- Died:
- April 15, 1989, Beijing (aged 73)
- Political Affiliation:
- Chinese Communist Party
Who was Hu Yaobang?
How did Hu Yaobang’s career end?
What happened during the Tiananmen Square incident?
What is the legacy of Hu Yaobang?
Hu Yaobang (born November 1915, Liuyang, Hunan province, China—died April 15, 1989, Beijing) was the general secretary (1980–87) and chairman (1981–82) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He was an ally of Deng Xiaoping and Deng’s efforts to reform the Chinese economy with free-market principles. Hu’s death in April 1989 sparked a series of nationwide demonstrations led by students and others that culminated on the night of June 3–4 with the violent suppression of protesters at Tiananmen Square in Beijing (the Tiananmen Square incident).
Early life and political career
Born into a poor peasant family, Hu received little formal education. At age 14 he left home to join the communists, and he became a member of the CCP in 1933. A veteran of the Long March (1934–35), he worked closely with the future party leader Deng Xiaoping in the 1930s and later served as political commissar under Deng in the 2nd Field Army during the Chinese Civil War (1947–49). In the late 1940s he and Deng moved into Sichuan province when their army took over the area from Nationalist forces. In 1952 he followed Deng to Beijing, where he became head of the Young Communist League (1952–66).
Cultural Revolution and rehabilitation
After the Cultural Revolution was launched in 1966, both Hu and Deng were twice purged and twice rehabilitated. After his second rehabilitation, in 1977, Hu became director of the party’s organization department and soon afterward was made a member of the Political Bureau and propaganda chief.
CCP leadership and forced resignation
In February 1980 he was appointed general secretary of the CCP and was elected to the Political Bureau’s Standing Committee, the inner circle of the ruling body. In June 1981 he was further elevated to the chairmanship of the party, replacing Mao Zedong’s handpicked successor, Hua Guofeng. Hu’s elevation, engineered by his mentor, Deng (who himself had become the de facto leader of China), marked the Chinese leadership’s broader acceptance of pragmatic programs designed to speed economic growth.
As general secretary of the CCP, Hu was responsible for ensuring that the party apparatus carried out the policy directives of China’s new leadership. He set about downgrading the party’s discredited Maoist ideology and replacing it with a more flexible and pragmatic policy of “seeking truth from facts.” In line with the new emphasis on collective leadership in place of the personality cult of Mao Zedong, and to prevent a recurrence of the kind of party domination that Mao had exercised as its chairman, Hu helped abolish that post at a party congress in 1982. He then oversaw the purging of unrepentant Maoists and corrupt or incompetent members from the party and their replacement with younger, better-educated cadres in the mid-1980s. Early in 1987, after several weeks of student demonstrations demanding greater Western-style freedom, Hu was forced to resign for “mistakes on major issues of political policy.” He nevertheless remained a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.
Death and Tiananmen Square incident
Hu died April 15, 1989, following a heart attack on April 8. His death came at a time when many in China, especially students and intellectuals, were increasingly frustrated with corruption, inflation, and the slow pace of political and economic reform. As with the public mourning that followed premier Zhou Enlai’s death in early 1976—an event that sparked the first Tiananmen incident—the mourning for Hu quickly evolved into broader demands for reform. Many saw Hu as a symbol of hope for a more open government, and on April 22, the day of his funeral, more than 50,000 people converged on the Great Hall of the People in Tiananmen Square, both to commemorate him and to call for greater transparency and democratic governance. The protests would continue for more than a month.
Western journalists, in Beijing to cover Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s mid-May visit, broadcast the escalating unrest around the world. Debate raged within the CCP; some officials advocated reforms and dialogue, but others, including premier Li Peng and paramount leader Deng, deemed the protests a threat to stability. Martial law was declared in late May, and on the night of June 3–4, troops and tanks cleared Tiananmen Square by force. Sporadic demonstrations continued in some cities, but by June 5 the crackdown was largely complete. That day, an unidentified civilian—later dubbed “Tank Man”—had briefly blocked a column of tanks, becoming an enduring symbol of defiance in the face of violent authoritarianism. The government’s official death toll was 241, including soldiers, with 7,000 wounded. The Chinese Red Cross initially reported a death toll of 2,600, but soon retracted this figure under government pressure. The British ambassador to China, Sir Alan Donald, estimated a death toll of 10,000 in a secret cable to London.
In the aftermath, the government arrested thousands, issued lengthy prison sentences, and executed an unknown number of people. Party general secretary Zhao Ziyang, who had advocated for dialogue with the protesters, was replaced by Jiang Zemin and placed under house arrest. The incident severely damaged the CCP’s international reputation and references to it continue to be censored in China. Hu Yaobang’s legacy remains sensitive in China; the CCP acknowledges his contributions to economic reform, yet he is closely associated with the unfulfilled democratic aspirations of 1989.