Quick Facts
Born:
1953, New York, U.S. (age 72)

Robin Wall Kimmerer (born 1953, New York, U.S.) is a mother, writer, and plant ecologist perhaps best known for her book of essays Braiding Sweetgrass: Indigenous Wisdom, Scientific Knowledge, and the Teachings of Plants (2013). She holds appointments as a distinguished teaching professor and as a founding director of the Center for Native Peoples and the Environment at the State University of New York College of Environmental Science and Forestry (SUNY ESF), in Syracuse. As a biologist and an enrolled member of the Citizen Potawatomi Nation, she has worked to bring Indigenous knowledge and Western scientific ways of understanding nature into conversation, both in her academic practice and in her publications for a general readership.

Early life and undergraduate education

Robin Wall was born to Patricia and Robert Wall and was raised in upstate New York, surrounded by the natural world that would become her lifelong passion and the focus of her scientific career. Her love of words and writing was likewise kindled at an early age; she collected books of poetry as a child and admired her father’s skill as a storyteller.

She enrolled as an undergraduate at SUNY ESF, earning a bachelor’s degree in botany in 1975. During her formal studies in biology, she experienced ideological differences with the scientific establishment that would eventually influence her approach to writing and pedagogy. As Kimmerer later recounted in a podcast interview:

There was no question but that I’d study botany in college. It was my passion—still is, of course. But the botany that I encountered there was so different than the way that I understood plants. Plants were reduced to object. What was supposedly important about them was the mechanism by which they worked, not what their gifts were, not what their capacities were.…And that shift in worldview was a big hurdle for me, in entering the field of science.

The aesthetic beauty, the spiritual significance, and what she refers to as the “intelligence of plants,” that is, their specific ways of being and knowing, are not generally recognized by Western science. Nevertheless, she learned to appreciate the mode of careful, detached observation encouraged by the latter approach.

Shortly after her college years she married Thomas Kimmerer and took his last name; the couple would have two children together before divorcing.

Graduate studies

During her graduate studies in botany at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, Kimmerer had a self-described “watershed moment” when she was invited to a gathering of Native elders and was deeply affected by their stewardship of traditional Indigenous plant knowledge. Shortly thereafter she stumbled across a photograph of the Louis Vieux Elm, a tree named for one of her ancestors, a Potawatomi tribal elder. This chance discovery inspired multiple trips to Kansas to visit the elm and to learn more about her Native ancestry.

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Subsequently, Kimmerer began pursuing a combined study of Indigenous and Western knowledge about plants and the environment. In this way, she hoped to reclaim and revive forms of knowing nature that were violently taken from her grandfather and other Native Americans at institutions such as the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania, where teachers forced Kimmerer’s grandfather and other Indigenous students to conform to European American norms and abandon their cultural heritage.

Kimmerer received both a masters degree (1979) and a Ph.D. (1983) from the University of Wisconsin. She then moved to Kentucky, where she taught at Transylvania University briefly and then at Centre College for about a decade before moving back to upstate New York to assume her current role as a professor at SUNY ESF. Her experiences as a student influenced Kimmerer’s later efforts to, in her words, “Indigenize science education within the academy.” To this end she cofounded the Traditional Ecological Knowledge section of the Ecological Society of America in 2002 and served as its first chair. In 2006 she cofounded the SUNY ESF Center for Native Peoples and the Environment to further foster the connections between Western scientific environmental knowledge and the traditional ecological knowledge of Native peoples. She is quick to point out that Indigenous modes of knowing should not be viewed as a monolith, as she shared in a 2016 interview with The Sun:

There are nearly six hundred tribal groups in the United States alone. And because the land under each tribe’s feet is the source of its culture, each is unique. Hopi knowledge is different from Potawatomi knowledge. That said, I see certain common principles, values, and philosophies that unite Native cultures in terms of how they think about the human relationship with land.

Gathering Moss

While in college Kimmerer had her first encounter with bryology (the study of mosses, liverworts, and hornworts), which would become her area of specialization and the subject of her first published book, Gathering Moss: A Natural and Cultural History of Mosses (2003). As she recalled in a 2021 interview with The Guardian:

I was studying to be a forest ecologist. That little green scum on the rocks: how interesting could it really be? Only then there came a point when I’d taken every botany class our university had to offer, except one: the ecology of mosses. I thought I’d do it, just so I could say that I’d taken them all. It was love at first sight.

She has since been fascinated by the resilience of mosses, which can live in conditions unfavorable to most other plant species and have survived myriad climatic cataclysms since their emergence on Earth more than 400 million years ago. She views them as instructive models of adaptability and of ecological humility, since they take fewer resources than they provide. Gathering Moss introduces the plants to a lay audience in a series of personal essays that hold a magnifying glass to the infinitesimal lifeways and life cycles of mosses and reveal their broader ecological significance. The book won the prestigious John Burroughs Medal, which recognizes “a most distinguished book of natural history.”

Braiding Sweetgrass and The Serviceberry

Her studies and subsequent work helped form the basis for Braiding Sweetgrass. While the initial release of the book in 2013 received relatively little fanfare, the slow accumulation of word-of-mouth recommendations eventually led to it becoming an unexpected bestseller in 2020. The book consists of interrelated essays concerning the lives of plants, Kimmerer’s Potawatomi heritage and her efforts to learn the Anishinaabe language, Indigenous land stewardship practices, and the promises and limitations of the natural sciences to restore ecological balance in a contemporary world beset by climate change and catastrophic biodiversity loss. These issues are explored through the lens of Kimmerer’s personal experience and family history as well as the perspectives of plants and other nonhuman species. The book encourages a relationship of reciprocity with the natural world, one that is focused on giving back to the land rather than merely extracting its resources.

Her book The Serviceberry: Abundance and Reciprocity in the Natural World is set to be released in November 2024. It is described as “a bold and inspiring vision for how to orient our lives around gratitude, reciprocity, and community, based on the lessons of the natural world.”

Teaching and awards

Kimmerer’s work has been recognized by numerous honors and awards, including a 2022 MacArthur Fellowship and an accepted invitation to speak at the United Nations General Assembly in 2015 on “Healing Our Relationship with Nature.” She was elected to the National Academy of Sciences in 2023.

She was awarded the National Humanities Medal by U.S. Pres. Joe Biden in 2024. The medal honors individuals or organizations whose work has “deepened the nation’s understanding of the humanities and broadened our citizens’ engagement with history, literature, languages, philosophy, and other humanities subjects.”

Stephanie Triplett
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Also called:
Indian, Native American, American Indian, aboriginal American, Amerindian, orAmerind

Indigenous American peoples, any of the aboriginal peoples of the Western Hemisphere. Inuit, Yupik/Yupiit, and Unangan (Aleuts) are sometimes excluded from this category, because their closest genetic and cultural relations were and are with other Arctic peoples rather than with the groups to their south.

The ancestors of contemporary Indigenous American peoples were members of nomadic hunting and gathering cultures. The earliest of these peoples to reach the Americas traveled in small family-based bands that moved from Asia to North America during the last ice age; from approximately 30,000–12,000 years ago, sea levels were so low that a “land bridge” connecting the two continents was exposed. Some bands followed the Pacific coast southward, and others followed a glacier-free corridor through the center of what is now Canada. Although it is clear that both avenues were used, it is not certain which was more important in the peopling of the Americas. Most traces of this episode in human prehistory have been erased by millennia of geological processes: the Pacific has inundated or washed away most of the coastal migration route, and glacial meltwash has destroyed or deeply buried traces of the inland journey.

Discussions of Indigenous cultures are often organized geographically. The Western Hemisphere typically comprises three regions: Northern America (present-day United States and Canada), Middle America (present-day Mexico and Central America), and South America.

Northern America

Early cultural development

The earliest ancestors of Native Americans are known as Paleo-Indians. They shared certain cultural traits with their Asian contemporaries, such as the use of fire and domesticated dogs; they do not seem to have used other Old World technologies such as grazing animals, domesticated plants, and the wheel.

Archaeological evidence indicates that Paleo-Indians traveling in the interior of Northern America hunted Pleistocene fauna such as woolly mammoths (Mammuthus species), giant ground sloths (Megatherium species), and a very large species of bison (Bison antiquus); those traveling down the coast subsisted on fish, shellfish, and other maritime products. Plant foods undoubtedly contributed to the Paleo-Indian diet, although the periglacial environment would have narrowed their quantities and varieties to some extent. Plant remains deteriorate quickly in the archaeological record, which can make direct evidence of their use somewhat scarce. However, food remains at Paleo-Indian sites including Gault (Texas) and Jake Bluff (Oklahoma) indicate that these people used a wide variety of plants and animals.

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Although the artifacts recovered from many Paleo-Indian sites are predominantly, or even solely, stone tools, it is likely that these groups also made a wide variety of goods from perishable materials that have since disintegrated; certainly, stone tools alone would have proved inadequate to the challenges these peoples encountered. One of the most distinctive Paleo-Indian artifact types is the Clovis point, the first of which was discovered on a kill site near what is now Clovis, New Mexico. Clovis points are lance-shaped, partially fluted, and used for killing mammoths and other very large game (see Clovis complex).

Beginning some 11,500 years ago, the climate in the Northern Hemisphere slowly became warmer and drier. Temperatures rose significantly over the next several thousand years, eventually averaging a few degrees higher than those experienced in the same areas during the early 21st century. Cold-adapted plant species such as birch and spruce retreated to the mountains and the far north, replaced in lower altitudes and latitudes by heat- and drought-resistant species including grasses, forbs, and hardwood trees. Very large animals such as mammoths and giant ground sloths were unable to cope with the change and became extinct; other species, such as bison, survived by becoming smaller.

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Archaic peoples

As the environment changed, so did Indigenous economic strategies. The most visible change was a further diversification in subsistence. As megafauna became scarce and cold-weather flora retreated north, groups began to prey upon smaller animals such as deer and elk, to catch fish and collect shellfish from inland rivers and lakes, and to use a wider array of plant foods, including seeds, berries, nuts, and tubers. People became somewhat more settled, tending to live in larger groups for at least part of the year; they often built seasonal residences along waterways. They also developed systems of trade between different geographical areas. These changes in diet and settlement and the development of trade are some of the defining characteristics of the Archaic cultures.

Archaic technology included grinding tools (mortars and pestles), woodworking tools (grooved stone axes and gouges), and items such as plummets whose use is not clear. Archaic hunting tools are distinguished by the introduction of the spear-thrower, which enables a hunter to throw a dart accurately and with great force at a distant target; so-called bird stones may have augmented the hunter’s throwing power. Large fluted points became less popular, replaced by smaller side-notched points more appropriate for dart-based hunting.

In adopting a broad array of social, economic, and technological innovations, Archaic peoples enjoyed a long period of relative stability. Although the duration of the Archaic Period varied greatly depending upon location, it persisted from as early as 8000 bce until at least 2000 bce in most of Northern America. In areas that were either unusually prosperous or, conversely, unsuitable for agriculture—the rich microclimates of California and the salmon-rich Plateau and Pacific Northwest in the former case and the cool interior of northern Canada in the latter—foraging societies persisted well into the 19th century ce. (See also agriculture, origins of.)

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